Robert Beadles’ Tracker Scandal: Who Paid for Schieve's Lawyers?

The unanswered questions are who paid for Hillary Schieve’s legal battle, and what are the underlying allegations against Schieve that started all of this?

Michael Leonard

Nov 05, 2025

The revelation that conservative activist and Washoe County GOP influencer Robert Beadles was the mysterious “John Doe” behind the GPS tracker placed on Mayor Hillary Schieve’s vehicle came as no surprise — and few following Reno politics were taken aback.

Within minutes of 775 News, KTVN, KOLO, and The Nevada Independent reporting the story, social media threads across local news pages erupted. The responses, drawn from hundreds of public comments, reveal a city that’s at once scandal-numb and morally polarized — a community that’s learned to expect intrigue at every turn of local politics.

“No One Is Surprised” — The Predictable Shockwave

Across the comment sections of KTVN 2 News, 775 Times, and RGJ, the reaction followed a familiar pattern: eye-rolling disbelief rather than shock. The sense that Beadles was the likely culprit had already hardened in Reno’s online political circles months ago. The official unmasking only confirmed what many suspected — that the secrecy had done more damage than disclosure ever could. For many residents, the headline made explicit what had long been a rumor.

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Legality vs. Ethics: A Divided Public

The comments exposed a deep divide between those who view Beadles’ actions as stalking and those who see them as oversight.

On one side were privacy advocates who argued that attaching a tracker to anyone’s vehicle — especially that of an elected official — is invasive and potentially dangerous.

“Public officials are still human beings with rights,” one commenter wrote. “This wasn’t accountability; it was intimidation.”

On the other side were “nothing to hide” voices — citizens who dismiss privacy concerns as naïve in an age of cell-phone tracking and social media surveillance.

“If you’re in government, expect to be watched,” one wrote. “They track us all the time.”

That tension — between transparency and harassment — has become a defining moral line in Reno’s political culture. The comment threads make clear that people can not agree on where legitimate scrutiny ends and weaponized surveillance begins.

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The Cost and Council Member Reese’s Response

Councilman Devon Reese, who is both a lawyer and a longtime confidant of Mayor Schieve, seized on the situation. In a Facebook thread responding to the RGJ article, Reese estimated that Beadles’ legal fight to conceal his identity had likely cost around $1 million and described the ordeal as “a million-dollar lark.”

“The extremes he went to try and hide were probably a $1M lark,” Reese wrote. “The spin from his websites and others in his universe shows the extent to which they will go to influence people — that is scary.” Reese often talks about being scared.

That casual remark — offered in a Facebook comment — opens up a new and unexamined dimension of this story: What has the lawsuit cost the Schieve side?

The Unanswered Question: Who Paid Schieve’s Legal Fees?

If Beadles really has burned through $1 million in legal expenses, as Reese estimates, the natural question follows:

How much has Mayor Schieve spent — and where did that money come from?

There is no public accounting of the Mayor’s legal funding. Her lawsuit against Beadles and private investigator David McNeely is a personal matter, not a city-filed case, meaning public funds do not automatically cover it. Still, no one has clarified whether she paid privately, used an insurance mechanism, or received assistance from third-party donors or organizations.

For a public official whose brand should be tied to transparency, the funding source for such a politically charged lawsuit deserves scrutiny.

Was it out-of-pocket? Through a legal defense fund? Or subsidized by political allies or consultants?

So far, none of the local outlets that broke the Beadles revelation have addressed that question — but it’s one that voters, taxpayers, and ethics watchdogs all have a right to ask.

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The Inner Circle and the PR Machine

The financial opacity becomes more intriguing when you consider who is shaping the messaging. Reese is not just an elected official and attorney; he’s also part of the same political network that manages public perception around Schieve.

He reportedly spends tens of thousands of dollars on public relations consultant Riley Sutton, who helps polish the images of political figures across Reno, including Hillary Schieve. When that same circle handles both messaging and political crisis control, we wonder what lines have been crossed.

In this context, Reese’s $1M remark reads less like gossip and more like message discipline — an effort to frame the scandal’s cost and moral weight while reinforcing the Schieve-Reese alliance. Reese is running for Mayor and has been endorsed by Schieve. But by calling out the spending by Beadles he puts the light on Schieve.

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A City Exhausted by Intrigue

Beyond the partisan sniping, a more profound fatigue began to surface. Dozens of comments questioned why Reno politics seem to produce endless scandals, while fundamental issues such as infrastructure, housing, and debt remain unaddressed.

“There’s something wrong when a small city like Reno is constantly embroiled in political intrigue,” one user wrote. “Where there’s smoke, there’s fire.”

The threads that lit up over the Beadles story also contained complaints about sewer rate hikes, construction sites, and data centers — reminders that residents are weary of drama and hungry for leadership.

At the same time, the revelation highlights how political elites on both sides are spending staggering sums to fight battles that most residents never asked for — a microcosm of how power and money continue to dominate Reno’s civic life.

Jacobs Entertainment Promised ‘No Excessive Noise’ — and Delivered a Valley-Wide Rave

A Friday night that shook the valley with booming music that could be heard for miles.

Michael Leonard

Nov 04, 2025

Last weekend, residents across Reno — from Caughlin Ranch to Summit Ridge to Robb Drive — were jolted awake by the thunderous bass of a music festival held at Jacobs Entertainment’s J Resort festival grounds, located at 2nd and Arlington.

The artist was Subtronics, a popular electronic DJ known for heavy dubstep and massive sound systems. The event was part of Jacobs’ push to turn its West 4th Street properties into a “premier live entertainment district.” But for thousands of residents, the reality was far less glamorous: vibrating windows, shaking floors, and the sense that the City of Reno had sold them out.

The Conditional Use Permit: A Promise Made, A Promise Broken

When Jacobs Entertainment sought approval for the outdoor festival grounds — part of the ongoing J Resort/Neon Line District redevelopment — the company was required to obtain a Conditional Use Permit (CUP) from the City of Reno.

In its filings, Jacobs claimed that outdoor entertainment would be conducted in a manner that “will not generate excessive noise or vibrations” and that “mitigation measures will ensure compliance with Reno Municipal Code standards.”

Those assurances helped the project clear the Planning Commission, despite nearby residents expressing concerns about noise impacts, traffic, and public safety. The CUP approval came with a standard condition: no outdoor amplified sound may exceed 75 decibels at the property line.

But this weekend’s event blew that promise — and the decibel limit — out of the park.

I was sitting at a bar over half a mile away and to the south, not the west, where the noise was carrying the most, and the music was reaching up to 88 dBa, which is supposed to be the sound limit on the festival grounds, not at a distance.

Residents Across Reno Felt the Impact

Comments flooded social media platforms and Reddit’s r/Reno subreddit, where hundreds of users shared the same experience: it wasn’t just loud — it was seismic.

• “I thought it was my neighbors throwing a house party,” wrote one Reddit user. “Turns out the J is the culprit.”

• Another commented, “I live three miles away, my windows are rattling, and the cops said they can’t do anything because it’s permitted.”

• “The J Resort festival ground noise this evening is truly unbearable. We live over 2.5 miles away, and the sound is penetrating our whole house, including our three children’s rooms, while they try to sleep. I wish our leadership would prioritize the needs of families.”

• “I’m in Caughlin Ranch and can feel the vibrations in my floor.”

• “Summit Ridge here — we have our windows vibrating.”

• “Old Southwest, my toddler woke up crying. I’m furious.”

• “Thought I was hallucinating music at 11:30 p.m., turns out it was real.”

Even residents as far as Robb Drive, Idlewild Park, and Mayberry reported feeling the bass through closed windows. Many noted that the event ran past midnight, with one user timing the final beat at 12:07 a.m., followed by an afterparty inside the J Resort.

Community Reactions: A City Divided Over the J Resort Concert

The goal of Jacobs Entertainment’s “entertainment district” is to bring energy back downtown, but the Subtronics concert exposed just how divided Reno has become over what “revitalization” should sound like.

‘We Were Here Long Before Jacobs Entertainment’

Residents across Reno — not just downtown — reported feeling the bass shake their homes.

“I live all the way by Swope Middle School and it was insane,” wrote one commenter.
“Two miles away and I could hear it with my windows closed,” said another.

Others pointed out that the venue is brand new, while many residents have lived in the surrounding neighborhoods for decades.

“How long has that concert venue been there? Hint: a very short period of time,” one person reminded.
“We were here long before Jacobs Entertainment,” wrote another, “they should be considerate of those who were already here.”

For many, the issue isn’t the music — it’s the feeling of being ignored after being promised that “sound-mitigation technology” would prevent precisely this kind of city-wide disturbance.

Economy vs. Livability

Many defended Jacobs Entertainment on economic grounds, celebrating the crowds and hotel occupancy. However, Jacobs does not provide any information on the financial impact, and their festival grounds are hardly full during a concert.

“Tourism is down, Northern Nevada needs revenue from events!” one wrote.
“Go have fun and stop complaining — it’s good for the soul and the community.”

But even those sympathetic to economic development questioned the city’s priorities.

“You can be good for the economy without disrespecting the community,” said one resident.
“Let it be loud — but end at 10pm like everything else, not 12:15am!” added another, referencing the special late-night noise permit.

That distinction — between economic revival and civic fairness — sits at the heart of Reno’s tension over Jacobs’ downtown dominance.

City Hall’s Permit Problem

Ordinarily, city code restricts outdoor amplified sound to 10 p.m. and 75 decibels at the boundary. According to Reno Municipal Code §8.23.085, violations of those limits constitute a misdemeanor offense.

Yet, residents who called the non-emergency police line were told that officers had no authority to intervene — because the J Resort’s event was permitted. That admission confirmed what many residents already suspected: Reno’s enforcement rules apply to everyone except Jacobs Entertainment.

I spoke with a neighbor who is active in the community, and he told me that the police received hundreds of calls from as far as 3 miles away, but they didn’t take any action. Some people had to stop work and go home early due to the noise.

Apparently, the city council members are not responsive either, and they side with Jacobs over the residents.

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A Pattern of Exceptions

Jacobs’ representatives have routinely described their projects as “revitalization efforts,” promising jobs, art, and nightlife. But critics — including long-time residents of the Old Southwest and West 4th Street corridor — say the company’s dominance has come at the expense of community livability.

One former city events coordinator commented online: “Getting around the 10 p.m. noise ordinances used to be impossible. The neighborhood notifications took major priority with the city. It’s sad to see we’ve been sold out… again.”

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Residents Plan to Take Action

One commenter encouraged others to attend the next Reno City Council meeting on Tuesday, November 12, at 10:00 a.m., urging citizens to demand an end to late-night outdoor concerts and stricter noise monitoring at the J Resort.

Residents say they plan to file formal complaints and push for the revocation or amendment of the J Resort’s CUP if future noise violations occur.

You can contact the city council members:

Hillary Schieve, schieveh@reno.gov, (775) 334-2001

Kathleen Taylor, Ward 1, Taylork@reno.gov, (775) 334-2016

Naomi Duerr, Ward 2, duerrn@reno.gov, (775) 334-4636

Miguel Martinez, Ward 3, martinezm@reno.gov, (775) 334-2012

Meghan Ebert, Ward 4, ebertm@reno.gov, (775) 334-2015

Devon Reese, Ward 5, reesed@reno.gov, (775) 691-2996

Brandi Anderson Ward 6, andersonb@reno.gov, (775) 334-2011

The Bigger Question

How did a company that promised “no excessive noise” end up shaking homes three miles away? And why does the City of Reno — a city that once enforced strict sound limits — appear powerless to protect its residents from abuse or not to care?

Suppose Jacobs Entertainment and the City Council want to maintain public trust, they’ll need to explain how a permitted event turned into a citywide disturbance — and they need to fix the problem.

When Citizens Speak, Reese Attacks: A Pattern of Bullying from City Hall

Attacking citizens who speak out is an ongoing tactic from Devon Reese. A citizen sent me an email thread between her and, Reese and it is shocking.

Michael Leonard

Nov 03, 2025

Reese wants to be the Mayor of Reno. One of the clearest measures of leadership is how elected officials respond to criticism. Do they address the issue raised, or do they turn the spotlight on the person raising it? Reno City Councilmember Devon Reese has developed a troubling pattern: when confronted by citizens, he doesn't debate the policy — he attacks the constituent, calls them names, and shames them.

The Beth Dory Emails

More recently, Beth Dory, a Ward 5 property owner, wrote to Reese with a straightforward concern: her ward had never held a Neighborhood Advisory Board (NAB) meeting on the proposed Accessory Dwelling Unit (ADU) zoning amendment. She requested that the city provide a clear map and gather constituent input before proceeding with writing an ordinance.

Reese later held a NAB meeting, but it was held at City Hall, which is inconvenient for residents, but gives him a sense of safety.

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Deflection

Instead of addressing her concerns, Reese turned the exchange personal.

"Shaun – thanks for your inquiry. Please continue to post pictures of my home and backyard – super effective advocacy!"

Reese is accusing Dory of being "Shaun Mullin," a poster on Nextdoor that calls out issues with the city and with Reese.

That set the tone. Instead of debating ADUs, Reese mocked her activism.

Reese ignores the issues that residents care about while deflecting and attacking.

Behind the Complaints: The Real Issues Reno Voters Face

Escalation

Rather than a substantive answer, Reese escalated with hyperbole:

"Gaslighting won't win you any points with me, not when elected officials are being murdered and set on fire in this country."

When Dory pressed him on women's safety downtown, noting she and many others don't feel comfortable walking alone at night, Reese didn't take the concern seriously.

Dory wrote: "Most women don't feel safe (I don't) walking alone around the block in downtown Reno at 8:00 pm. When will women be able to feel safe walking downtown again?"

And when Dory pushed back against his evasions, Reese added ridicule:

"All three [my mother and children] have however expressed concern about your posting our family's home online… perhaps you will think of their safety the next time the Leprechaun wants to lash out online."

Reese lives in Somersett, behind two locked and guarded gates, and is protected by license plate readers and surveillance drones. It is the safest neighborhood in Reno.

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Intimidation

By the end of the exchange, Dory was so discouraged she declined to attend the public meeting:

"With these attacks, I don't feel comfortable going to the meeting tonight."

That chilling effect is precisely what the First Amendment is designed to prevent.

The Van Zee Example

Earlier this summer, longtime resident Steve Van Zee provided information to This Is Reno about how the city has mishandled its Landscape Maintenance Districts. When Van Zee raised these concerns, Reese responded not with engagement but with belittlement.

Van Zee reported being publicly dismissed and privately insulted, despite his years of research on a topic of fundamental importance to taxpayers.

Rather than grappling with the policy failures surrounding landscape maintenance, Reese zeroed in on Van Zee himself, undermining his credibility and character rather than addressing the evidence.

When a Citizen Speaks Up, and a Councilmember Shuts Him Down

The Pattern

Both Van Zee and Dory share one thing in common: they raised policy issues that deserved thoughtful responses.

• Van Zee: How the city manages taxpayer money in its Landscape Maintenance Districts.

• Dory: whether wards 5 & 6 had fair representation before a citywide zoning change, and whether downtown is safe for women.

And in both cases, Reese avoided the issues and instead attacked the people. He accused citizens of impersonation, mocked their appearance, ridiculed their tone, and amplified the conflict by CC'ing city staff into his personal disputes.

Reese's replies are unprofessional, sarcastic, and personal — unusual for an elected official in written correspondence.

Instead of addressing the policy issue (ADU hearings, public safety, constituent rights), he made it about himself, his family, and alleged impersonation.

His inclusion of multiple city staff CC'd into these exchanges amplifies the sense of intimidation — effectively making a private citizen's concerns into a spectacle before bureaucrats.

Why It Matters

This isn't just thin skin. It's a matter of public trust. Citizens have a First Amendment right to criticize their elected officials, even sharply. The government's role is to listen, respond, and, when possible, improve policy.

When a councilmember consistently lashes out instead of engaging, the chilling effect is noticeable: fewer citizens will speak up. Those who do may be met with public embarrassment instead of public service.

If Reese behaves this way as a councilmember, the implications of him seeking higher office — including mayor — are even more serious. Reno cannot afford a leader who treats dissent as a personal attack instead of an opportunity to govern better.

Closing Thought

The people of Reno are not asking for much: transparency, fairness, and safety. When citizens raise these concerns, they deserve answers — not insults. Reese's consistent pattern of attacking constituents reveals more about his temperament than theirs. And it raises a fundamental question: if he can't handle criticism from everyday residents, how could he ever lead the city as mayor?

What Reno’s City Council Can—and Can’t—Do With Jeremy Aguero’s Advice

A breakdown of which economic and fiscal reforms are within Reno’s local control, which require regional cooperation, and which depend on state or federal action.

Michael Leonard

Oct 31, 2025

Jeremy Aguero’s recommendations — while insightful — span multiple tiers of government, meaning the City Council’s ability to act depends on which category of recommendation you’re talking about. Below is a breakdown of what the Reno City Council can directly implement, influence indirectly, or only advocate for.

Reno’s Economic Reality Check: Jeremy Aguero’s Blueprint for Fiscal Resilience

See this article for a summary of the presentation by Jeremy Aguero to the City Council.

1. Fiscal Stewardship and Core Services

✅ Direct Authority

The City Council has the strongest control in this area. Aguero’s call for balanced budgets, healthy reserves, and structural discipline aligns squarely with powers already vested in the Council through the Reno City Charter and Nevada Revised Statutes (NRS 268).

What the Council can do:

• Adopt balanced budgets and manage general fund allocations.

• Set reserve policies (e.g., maintain minimum fund balance percentages).

• Adjust staffing, service levels, and capital project priorities to match revenue.

• Direct the City Manager to produce multi-year fiscal forecasts and implement cost-control measures to ensure effective budgeting and financial management.

• Enact financial transparency ordinances, such as quarterly budget dashboards or the establishment of an audit committee.

Bottom line: These recommendations fall squarely within their operational control — this is where the Council can make the most immediate impact.

2. Economic Diversification and Revenue Structure

⚖️ Partial / Shared Authority

Reno can shape local business conditions, but state law heavily constrains municipal revenue options. Nevada’s centralized tax system (especially property and sales tax distribution formulas) limits how cities can diversify their fiscal base.

What the Council can do:

• Streamline permitting and zoning to attract new industries (advanced manufacturing, healthcare, logistics, tech).

• Leverage redevelopment districts (RDA) and tax increment financing (TIF) for targeted growth.

• Create business incentive zones or fee waivers for small/local startups.

• Advocate at the Legislature for revenue diversification reforms — e.g., adjusting the property tax cap (AB489) or enabling new local options taxes.

• Partner with EDAWN, the Chamber, and TMCC/UNR to link workforce programs with local employer needs.

Bottom line: The Council can drive economic diversification, but fiscal diversification will require legislative change in Carson City and collaboration with regional partners.

3. Workforce Development and Talent Retention

Indirect Influence

The Council can’t directly create or fund workforce training programs at scale (that’s primarily the territory of states and educational institutions), but it can influence the ecosystem.

What the Council can do:

• Support local apprenticeship and training initiatives through grants or land-use approvals (especially in trades, public safety, and healthcare).

• Collaborate with UNR, TMCC, and the School District to align programs with city infrastructure and hiring needs.

• Use city facilities and public communications to promote vocational opportunities and trade pathways.

• Adopt local hiring incentives or requirements for city contracts.

Bottom line: Influence through partnerships and policy signaling, not direct control.

4. Infrastructure Investment and Sustainability

✅ Direct Control over Prioritization; Shared Control over Funding

Infrastructure planning is a core municipal function, but execution depends on available funding and interagency cooperation (NDOT, RTC Washoe, NV Energy, Truckee Meadows Water Authority).

What the Council can do:

• Prioritize projects through the Capital Improvement Plan (CIP).

• Direct Public Works and Engineering to apply ROI and sustainability criteria for projects.

• Allocate or reprogram funding from general fund, enterprise funds, or ARPA reserves.

• Coordinate with regional entities (RTC, TMWA, Washoe County) to align transportation, water, and energy goals.

• Adopt “green infrastructure” standards in zoning and building codes.

Bottom line: Reno controls the “what and where” of projects, but often depends on regional and federal dollars for the “how much.”

5. Public Engagement and Convening Power

✅ Full Authority

This is an area where Reno can immediately implement Aguero’s advice. The Council and City Manager can raise awareness, convene stakeholders, and foster regional partnerships on issues such as food insecurity, housing, and energy costs.

What the Council can do:

• Host public workshops or “economic roundtables” to discuss issues like energy affordability or SNAP access.

• Create advisory task forces (e.g., “Fiscal Resilience Working Group”).

• Utilize the city’s communication channels to inform the public about policy trade-offs and economic realities.

• Facilitate partnerships with nonprofits, regional governments, and private sector actors.

Bottom line: This is a low-cost, high-impact action space — it builds trust and community buy-in without requiring new tax authority.

6. Social and Economic Equity Issues

⚖️ Indirect but Symbolically Powerful

While issues like housing affordability, SNAP, or healthcare costs fall broadly outside the city’s jurisdiction, Reno can integrate equity into its land-use, zoning, and procurement policies.

What the Council can do:

• Expand inclusionary zoning incentives (e.g., density bonuses for affordable units).

• Prioritize housing near transit and jobs through zoning and redevelopment planning.

• Use Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) funds to support food security or shelter programs.

• Champion policy coordination through the Regional Planning Commission and Washoe County Human Services Agency.

Bottom line: The City Council can’t rewrite state welfare laws — but it can shape the local environment where affordability and access play out.

7. State and Federal Advocacy

Influence Only

For structural tax reform, housing finance rules, or SNAP/energy programs, Reno’s role is advocacy and coalition-building.

What the Council can do:

• Lobby the Nevada Legislature for municipal tax flexibility (e.g., reforming the property tax cap, expanding room tax distribution).

• Work through the Nevada League of Cities to build consensus on statewide reforms.

• Engage with Nevada’s congressional delegation for federal infrastructure and workforce grants.

Bottom line: The city’s voice matters politically, even when its hands are tied legislatively.

Final Assessment

Jeremy Aguero’s roadmap is actionable if the Council views itself less as a day-to-day operator and more as a strategic influencer. The most immediate levers are:

• Fiscal discipline and transparency.

• Intelligent prioritization of infrastructure.

• Convening public-private partnerships.

However, lasting change in Reno’s fiscal structure — such as tax modernization and revenue diversification — will depend on regional collaboration and legislative advocacy, not municipal ordinance alone.

Reno’s Economic Reality Check: Jeremy Aguero’s Blueprint for Fiscal Resilience

Economist Jeremy Aguero delivered a sobering yet practical roadmap for Reno’s fiscal future, tackling income inequality, housing costs, debt burdens, and the urgent need for more innovative governance

Michael Leonard

Oct 30, 2025

A Sobering Look at Reno’s Fiscal Future

Economist Jeremy Aguero delivered one of the most consequential presentations in recent Reno City Council history on October 29, 2025. This wide-ranging economic analysis doubled as a reality check for both city leaders and residents.

Aguero made clear that while the U.S. economy remains strong on paper, with record-high GDP and continued investment, Reno faces a more challenging path: widening income inequality, mounting household debt, and a cost of living now 3% higher than the national average.

“My presentation is not a report card,” Aguero said. “It’s a foundation for the work ahead.”

Here is the recording of the October 29, 2025, City Council meeting. The presentation by Jeremy Aguero starts at minute 16.

The National Picture: Growth with Fragile Confidence

Across the nation, growth persists — but so does anxiety.

• Inflation has eased somewhat, but still acts as a “regressive tax,” disproportionately hurting younger and lower-income households.

• Consumer confidence remains as low as it was during the Great Recession.

• Only 40% of Americans can cover a $1,000 emergency expense.

Household wealth may total $160 trillion, but the top 10% hold two-thirds of it. The result: financial strain that trickles down to cities like Reno, where families are feeling the squeeze of higher housing and transportation costs.

Reno’s Local Economy: Strong Numbers, Weak Foundations

Aguero described Northern Nevada’s economy as “mostly positive” but showing signs of stress.

• Taxable retail sales have started to decline.

• Housing prices remain high and out of reach for most families with a median income.

• Saving for a home now takes roughly 33 years at current rates.

The solution, Aguero argued, isn’t more subsidized housing; it’s higher-paying jobs, especially in healthcare and the trades. Economic diversification, he warned, means little without fiscal diversification to support it.

“Growth pays for growth in the short term,” he said, “but creates fiscal challenges in the long term.”

The Policy Gaps: Where Reno Must Adapt

Aguero didn’t mince words about Reno’s structural limitations. Under Nevada’s Dillon’s Rule, cities can only act where the state explicitly grants authority, making regional collaboration essential.

Among the top policy challenges he identified:

• PERS liabilities that threaten long-term fiscal health.

• Infrastructure funding gaps in transit, airports, and utilities.

• A need to modernize government operations and shed “legacy structures” that no longer fit today’s city.

He also urged leaders to evaluate economic development incentives, such as tax increment financing (TIF), through a clear lens of fiscal and social return on investment, rather than just focusing on short-term growth.

Technology, AI, and the Future of Work

Aguero noted that technology and AI now account for approximately one-third of U.S. GDP growth. Yet he warned that innovation cuts both ways: automation may improve efficiency, but it can also deepen inequality and erode middle-class stability.

His message is that cities must invest in human capital — including workforce training, trade programs, and education — or risk being left behind.

“AI can improve government efficiency,” Aguero said, “but it should never replace human judgment.”

Fiscal Responsibility and “Good Government”

Aguero’s framework for “Good Government” rests on three pillars:

1. Fiscal Discipline: Balance budgets without one-time fixes. Maintain reserves and protect bond ratings.

2. Economic Policy: Support local businesses, encourage entrepreneurship (especially among Gen Z), and build resilience through public-private partnerships.

3. Service Quality: Focus on core functions — public safety, infrastructure, and community trust — with measurable outcomes for every taxpayer dollar.

Council Takeaways: The Road Ahead

Council members raised concerns about energy costs, food insecurity, and affordable housing, prompting Aguero to stress that many economic levers, such as interest rates and federal aid, are beyond local control. Still, he argued, Reno has agency where it matters: planning, partnerships, and prioritization.

He emphasized that quality of life is the ultimate metric. Clean streets, safe neighborhoods, and transparent budgeting aren’t just civic ideals — they’re economic advantages.

“Have a plan. Work the plan. Move it forward,” he concluded.

Final Thoughts: Reno’s Crossroads

Jeremy Aguero’s message wasn’t doom and gloom — it was a call for discipline and courage. Reno’s future, he implied, depends on whether its leaders can align economic ambition with fiscal realism.

If the city follows his blueprint — focusing on talent, efficiency, and transparency — it can thrive even amid national uncertainty. But if not, the same forces fueling today’s growth could quickly become tomorrow’s fiscal reckoning.

In this article, I have summarized Jeremy Aguero’s presentation. In a subsequent article, I will outline what the city council can do, what they cannot do, and how they must work with other agencies and governmental bodies to achieve results.

Downtown Soccer Fields are the New Neon Line Distraction but Where is the Infrastructure?

A City Hall pivot, a disappearing neighborhood, and a promise of tournaments but nothing else. Jacobs Entertainment does another slight-of-hand play in West Reno.

Michael Leonard

Oct 28, 2025

Let’s rewind to Wednesday afternoon inside Reno City Hall. Jacobs Entertainment is at the podium again. Not to explain what happened to the housing they promised. Not to show progress on all the land they leveled.

The presentation was about the continuing remodel of the J Resort. They gave an update on the art installations and talked about charging stations and the concerts at the Glow Plaza and Festival Grounds, but beyond that, not much.

Then they pivoted, and the rest of the presentation was about proposed youth sports and playing fields. Twelve new youth sports fields! Lacrosse too! Tournaments! Visitors! Energy! Tourism! Heads in beds!

Councilmembers smiled politely. Local media wrote glowing headlines. It felt like a pep rally. But outside, a few blocks away, the flattened remains of what used to be a neighborhood sit behind fences. The lots are empty. The promises are too.

This is the moment where residents are supposed to forget what came before. We’re supposed to pivot right along with Jacobs. Accepting the buzz of shiny new possibilities, but without much in the way of a plan.

Jacobs Promised Housing. People got displaced

Three years ago, the sales pitch was different.

Jacobs would bring new housing to downtown. More residents. More life. More community. The West 2nd Street neighborhood would be reborn into a dignified, modern, and vibrant community.

So tenants were bought out or pushed out. Buildings were bulldozed. Motels vanished almost overnight. And then… nothing. Except for the 245 Arlington Apartments. No housing. No mixed-use buildings. No rebirth.

Just parking lots, a Glow Plaza, and a Festival Grounds waiting for events that draw fewer people than promised.

Jacobs Neon Line: Promises Unfulfilled in West Reno

Where are the results for Phase One

If Jacobs wants applause for Phase Two, they should show results for Phase One:

• Where is the housing?

• Where is the neighborhood?

• Where is the follow-through?

Reno has been burned before by big visions that never quite materialize. We shouldn’t let “kids playing soccer” become a shield that protects a developer from accountability.

Promise anything loudly enough, and some people will stop asking whether you ever delivered the last thing you said.

Jacobs Entertainment may see this as a pivot. Residents deserve to see it as a pattern.

The $2 Billion Mirage: Has Jeff Jacobs’ Downtown Reno Vision Stalled?

Now They Promise Playing Fields

The presentation was full of exciting phrases:

“Walking distance of J Resort,”

“Land secured for four sites,”

“Twelve fields in six years.”

What’s missing is:

• Exact parcel listings,

• Economic analysis,

• Land acquisition transparency,

• Explanation of public access rules.

No One Answered These Questions

Why will teams come when Reno isn’t a youth sports destination? There are other well-known destinations such as Grand Park (Westfield, IN), opened in June 2014, Publix Sports Park + Frank Brown Park (Panama City Beach, FL), opened in 2019, and Cedar Lane Regional Park (Harford County, MD), opened in 2008, and many more, see this article, Six Youth Sports Facilities Producing Major Economic Impact.

How can Jacobs hold tournaments without supporting infrastructure beyond simple sports fields? It’s not likely. Other venues have field houses, event centers, locker rooms, showers, and toilets, which are necessary for tournaments.

How will Jacobs ramp up attendance so quickly when other destinations have taken years to attract tournaments? They won’t. It takes years. They won’t have enough fields for a major tournament for several years.

What is the income potential from the sports fields? They haven’t done projections beyond throwing out a few numbers, and I won’t since there is too much information missing to do a credible job.

Will the sports fields sustain Jacobs’ development in Reno? It’s not possible to determine, as Jacobs doesn’t provide any income projections and doesn’t publish its accounting records.

Jacobs says Trust us

They want the City to give public legitimacy to a plan that is little more than a concept slide deck. Reno can’t keep trading commitments for colorful renderings.

Let’s be clear: youth sports are great. Soccer fields are needed. Lacrosse players deserve space, too. “Trust us” is not a development plan.

Until a road map exists, this isn’t a development plan. It’s marketing.

It might work out for local teams to practice and play, but national tournaments!

How Reno Lost Its Opportunity for a Modern Neon Line Resort

City staff didn’t speak. Council flew blind

This was supposed to be an accountability check-in.

The City Council was entitled to know whether Jacobs had:

• Complied with conditions of the Glow Plaza permit

• Met housing and community development benchmarks

• Honored timelines written into the Development Agreement

When the City can’t assess performance, a developer can redefine “progress” however they want. That’s how “housing” quietly morphs into “hotel-driven soccer tourism.”

This might be the most alarming part. At the October Council meeting, Jacobs chose the agenda item. Jacobs gave the presentation. Jacobs controlled the narrative.

When the City asks for nothing, a developer can claim anything.

Reno City Council Meeting 10-22-25

https://youtu.be/Z155FxNzaME

You can watch the Jacobs presentation at 1:30 in this meeting recording.

The Story That the Local Media Missed

The headlines all sounded the same:

“Jacobs bringing youth sports boom to Reno!”

“Positive investment downtown!”

“Great news for families!”

No one asked:

• Why this pitch arrived only after the housing plan stalled

• Why rough ideas are treated as guaranteed outcomes

• Why the City didn’t get a staff analysis

• Why does every Jacobs promise arrive with a camera crew before a development plan

Cheerleading is cheaper than journalism, and that is what the local press does.

Reno can Love Youth Sports and Demand Good Governance

This isn’t about opposing sports fields. This is about requiring the same basic performance standards that every homeowner, small business, and nonprofit in this City must meet daily.

Jacobs has a 20-year Development Agreement. We are 3 years into the plan, and Jacobs is 8 years into the Neon Line project. Let’s get this right.

The City and the public should ask for:

• An economic analysis of the project and its impact on Reno.

• A parcel map of all 12 proposed fields

• A detailed timeline for construction

• A maintenance and access plan guaranteeing local usage

• A fundamental public oversight role before major pivots are endorsed

Kids deserve fields. Residents deserve results. Reno deserves both.

Because every time a developer promises Reno the world, the public deserves to know whether they’re showing us a future or a mirage.

Inside Hillary Schieve’s $417,000, 2022 Campaign Machine for Mayor of Reno

Where the Money Went: A look at what takes to get into the Mayor’s Office in Reno. Candidates take notice as the 2026 election approaches and people wonder why.

Michael Leonard

Oct 27, 2025

When Reno Mayor Hillary Schieve ran for re-election in 2022, her campaign raised $340,954.94 and spent $417,827.81.

That level of spending isn’t just a line on a report. It tells a deeper story about how Reno’s most recognizable politician built, financed, and sustained her brand through a small circle of consultants, marketing firms, and PR specialists who profited handsomely.

Note: the difference was “in kind” donations.

A Campaign Built on Media, Not Volunteers

Schieve’s financial filings show that nearly every dollar spent went to professional consultants and advertising firms. There were no signs of a grassroots operation — no reimbursements for canvassers, phone banking, or community field staff. However, union workers might have done this work.

Instead, her campaign was engineered as a public relations enterprise, designed to shape perception and control narrative to mobilize voters.

Where the $417,827 Went

• $159,245 (56%) went to consulting firms.

• $199,075 (44%) went to media production and advertising buys.

• Less than $2,000 — about 0.5% — was spent on digital tools, fees, or operational costs.

• Just $6,500 (1.5%) was used for event hosting and hospitality.

In Total, 99 cents of every dollar flowed to professional vendors.

The Consultants Who Got Paid

Two names dominate Schieve’s ledgers: Changing Dynamics and Fong Menante Media.

Changing Dynamics, a Reno-based consulting and public relations outfit, received $159,245 during the campaign. Payments peaked in the final two quarters of 2022 — $45,465 in August and another $113,780 between October and December. These figures suggest full-service control of Schieve’s communications, crisis management, and campaign strategy.

Fong Menante Media, another Reno firm tied to regional political advertising, earned roughly $146,860, handling video production, media placement, and branding materials. The company’s work spanned spring through fall — nearly half of the campaign’s visible media budget.

Tissot Solutions, a Las Vegas compliance and data consultancy, was paid nearly $19,000 for voter analytics and filings.

Add in Three Sticks Productions, Kimera Collective, and Lamar Advertising, and the combined media ecosystem behind Schieve’s image accounted for over $358,000 — or 90 percent of all expenditures.

The Rise of Riley Sutton, and Changing Dynamics, Reno’s Most Connected Political Consultant

Lavish Events, Elite Venues

Though small in proportion, the campaign’s hospitality expenses reveal the social dimension of Schieve’s political style.

She hosted gatherings at Rum Sugar Lime, The Emerson, and Potluck Nevada — all upscale Reno venues known for craft cocktails and curated aesthetics.

Catering by Roundabout Catering added another $3,372. These weren’t grassroots rallies in community centers; they were polished networking events attended by the city’s professional class.

Political Alliances and Reciprocity

While Schieve’s campaign drew heavily from large donors, it also distributed small contributions to political allies — $500 each to Assemblywoman Sarah Peters and local Democrat Alex Goff, and $250 apiece to Mariluz Garcia and Adam Mayberry.

These outlays, while minor, show a deliberate alignment with the Washoe County Democratic establishment — the same circle that has backed Schieve’s policy agenda and her recent endorsements. It’s the Jessica Sferazza clique.

The Vanishing Grassroots

For all its scale, Schieve’s campaign reported just $3,407.85 in donations of $100 or less — less than one percent of total fundraising.

The absence of small donors tells a story of insulation. The campaign relied not on voter enthusiasm or neighborhood outreach, but on a small network of high-dollar contributors and consulting retainers that turned her mayoral run into a polished, closed-loop PR operation.

Mayor Schieve: Promises, Claims, but Missing Facts

Overspending and Optics

By the end of 2022, Schieve had outspent her fundraising by nearly $77,000, which was made up of “in-kind” contributions. Her ending fund balance was $15,503 — pocket change compared to what she’d paid her consultants.

The financial pattern matches the political one: optics first, accountability later. Every quarter, the campaign spent about $150,000, almost as if on autopilot.

Her team maintained the same cash-burn rhythm through spring, summer, and fall — while fundraising lagged.

Possible Conflicts Worth Watching

Both Changing Dynamics and Fong Menante Media have operated within Reno’s civic ecosystem — occasionally overlapping with city projects, promotional events, or nonprofits supported by the Mayor’s office.

If either firm held city contracts or subcontracted for publicly funded initiatives during or after Schieve’s campaign, the overlap would raise potential conflict-of-interest concerns. The lack of disclosure surrounding these relationships is part of what makes campaign finance transparency so vital in local politics.

🧴 Mayor Schieve and Doctor Hovenic: Spooge, and Scrutiny

A Mirror of Schieve’s Mayoral Tenure

Schieve’s campaign finances mirror her tenure at City Hall:

• Image-driven,

• Consultant-managed,

• Light on grassroots participation,

• And closely tied to an inner circle of professional communicators.

Where other candidates invest in field operations or voter contact, Schieve invested in optics. Her campaign functioned less as a political movement and more as a personal brand-maintenance enterprise, carefully curated by the same PR network that now shapes narratives for some of Reno’s other candidates.

The Wild and Crazy Legacy of Reno Mayor Hillary Schieve

The Takeaway - Candidates Take Note

In Total, Hillary Schieve’s 2022 campaign spent over $417,000 — more than any mayoral contender in Reno’s modern history — with nearly every dollar going to PR and media consultants.

The campaign’s financial trail reveals not a grassroots machine but a media apparatus, one that blurred the lines between city politics and professional image-making.

It’s a reminder that in Reno, public relations often substitutes for public engagement — and that the cost of maintaining political control can be measured not only in votes but in invoices. It’s no wonder that voters feel left out.

Inside Reno’s HEAT Sting: What It Reveals About Sex Crime in Reno

While the local news focuses on a police commander being arrested, I explain how the sting worked, the state of trafficking, and the implications for Reno.

Michael Leonard

Oct 23, 2025

The Headline Facts

Over two days in mid-October, a regional task force targeting sexual exploitation of minors arrested 13 people in the Reno area—including Thomas “Tom” Robinson, 52, a former Reno Police Department deputy chief who retired in January 2024. As of Sunday, October 19, Robinson is out on $30,000 bail in a move that has angered many people in Reno.

According to police and local reporting, suspects contacted undercover detectives—who were posing online as minors—to arrange sexual encounters and then arrived at a northwest Reno residence, where arrests were made. Robinson was booked on soliciting a 17-year-old for prostitution and attempted child abuse for sexual exploitation and remained in custody as of the latest reports.

The operation was run by the Regional Human Exploitation and Trafficking (HEAT) unit with multi-agency partners. Authorities emphasized a “major concern” that this may not have been the first time some of the arrestees engaged in such behavior, noting that contacts were initiated over “various online platforms as well as social media.”

Sting Operation Reno 911 YouTube Video

Sex trafficking was an issue in Reno when this comedy episode of Reno 911 was made in 2008. It shows a sting operation, where people are lured to a location and they attempt to engage in prohibited activity with an undercover agent, similar to what happened this time for real.

Who was Arrested, and the Range of Alleged Conduct

The sweep netted a mix of charges that show both “demand” (buyers soliciting minors) and more severe alleged conduct, including luring, attempted sexual assault, attempted kidnapping, attempted child abuse for sexual exploitation, drug charges, and pandering. Several cases involved supposed victims described as 14, 15, 16, and 17, and at least one scenario where a suspect believed they would meet a 9-year-old girl and a 3-year-old boy. (In reality, all “minors” were undercover.)

How the Sting Worked (and why it keeps working)

HEAT’s documented model blends reactive case referrals with proactive online operations: monitoring social media and “private chat rooms,” setting up undercover personas, and conducting “supply/demand” operations to intercept buyers and identify victims. The unit partners with the FBI and ICAC (Internet Crimes Against Children) and runs regional operations across Northern Nevada. In short, investigators go where exploiters look for minors—public networks, messaging features, classifieds, and invite-only chats—then mirror the communication patterns offenders expect.

Why do suspects—including someone with law-enforcement experience—still get caught? Interviews and case histories from similar stings point to a recurring mix of overconfidence, impulsivity, and the deceptive realism of undercover profiles. Even when a suspect “knows stings exist,” cognitive bias (”it won’t be me,” “I’ll be careful”) and the promise of a willing minor can overpower caution—especially once a meeting is arranged. HEAT’s own playbook stresses that it proactively mirrors the online settings where grooming and solicitation occur, then controls the environment for safe arrests and evidence preservation.

Is Reno Facing a Broader Exploitation Problem or a Few Bad Cases?

The arrests are not a one-off. In October 2024, a prior HEAT operation similarly led to 13 arrests on child-sex and exploitation charges, suggesting a sustained enforcement tempo—not a sporadic surge.

Context indicators also hint at systemic risk:

• Nevada’s child well-being ranks among the worst in the nation. The 2025 Kids Count snapshot again placed Nevada near the bottom (47th–48th range across key dimensions). Poorer child outcomes often correlate with vulnerability to exploitation (though rank alone doesn’t prove causation).

• Northern Nevada hosts persistent trafficking/exploitation activity. Local nonprofit analyses estimate thousands of women and girls are advertised for sex online statewide at any time, with roughly 1,500 in Northern Nevada and an estimated ~300 children being exploited in the region at any given moment (methodologies vary and are debated, but the order of magnitude is sobering).

• Regional infrastructure is evolving to respond. Alongside RPD’s HEAT, the Washoe County Sheriff’s Office launched the HERO unit in 2024 to dismantle trafficking networks and support victim recovery. Another sign agencies view this as an ongoing, not episodic, threat.

Taken together, the pattern of arrests, the state’s child-well-being headwinds, and the standing of multiple dedicated units imply a meaningful, persistent problem—one that requires both demand-side enforcement and victim-centered services.

What the Robinson Arrest Means for Public Trust

When a former deputy chief appears on the same docket as alleged child-sex offenders, the optics amplify public alarm. Fair-process caveats apply—charges are allegations—but the case raises challenging questions:

• Internal culture & accountability: How does a long-serving senior officer get to this point? Did colleagues notice warning signs?

• Retiree risk: Do former officers, confident in their knowledge of tactics, underestimate stings?

• Deterrence vs. displacement: Do high-profile arrests deter buyers—or merely push them to more encrypted, insular venues?

Those are answerable only through court records, internal reviews, and longitudinal data. For now, the Robinson arrest underscores that status does not immunize anyone from exploitation risk—or from scrutiny.

What the Platform’s Angle Tells Us (without naming specific apps)

Officials and reporters did not publish the platforms used in the October operation—a common practice to protect active methods and prevent offender adaptation. But HEAT’s public materials are explicit: social media, private chat rooms, and online classifieds/messaging are core to both grooming and buyer contact. Expect continued use of Direct Messages, closed groups, and invite-only spaces, with hand-offs to encrypted messengers once initial contact occurs.

Reporting & resources

Community members who encounter suspected exploitation should contact local units (HEAT/HERO), the National Human Trafficking Hotline, and ICAC lines. Nevada-specific hotline data show thousands of trafficking cases identified over time; timely tips are often how cases begin.

A Shocking Lack of Awareness in the Department

On 10/23/2025, on 2 News Nevada, in an article titled Reno Chief of Police talks about former Deputy Chief arrest Reno Police Chief Kathryn Nance’s comments reveal a troubling lack of awareness about serious misconduct within her own department. By her own admission, she “had no inkling or thought” that former Deputy Chief Thomas Robinson was capable of such predatory behavior. Nance’s surprise underscores a deeper problem of internal blind spots and insufficient oversight—especially considering Robinson held one of the highest positions in the department. Her statement that the incident made her “rethink a lot and wonder if [she] missed something” raises questions about how a senior officer could allegedly engage in such acts without triggering any red flags, and whether a culture of misplaced trust allowed it to go unnoticed.

The Bottom Line

The Reno sting is part of a clearer picture: online-facilitated child exploitation persists in Northern Nevada, and demand-side enforcement is now routine. The arrest of a former deputy chief is shocking. Still, it mainly reinforces what HEAT has been telegraphing for years: that offenders come from every background, the internet is the front line, and proactive undercover work remains one of the few tools that reliably interrupts that pipeline. Sustained progress will depend not just on arrests but also on prevention, services, and transparency that match the scale and sophistication of the problem.

How Reno Lost Its Opportunity for a Modern Neon Line Resort

Eight years later, the only glimmer comes from empty lots, chain-link fences, and a rebranded hotel that still carries the bones of the 1960s Sands instead of a new resort.

Michael Leonard

Oct 22, 2025

Today, a required two-year progress report on the 20-year Neon Line District Development Agreement is before the City Council. Here’s a look at what could have been.

A Half-Billion Dollar What-If

When Jeff Jacobs of Jacobs Entertainment bought the Sands Regency in 2017 for about $30 million, he promised to transform the west end of downtown Reno into a glimmering “Neon Line District.”

Eight years later, the only glimmer comes from empty lots, chain-link fences, and a rebranded hotel that still carries the bones of the 1960s Sands instead of a new resort.

Jacobs has now spent over $500 million—an astonishing sum that could have built an entirely new resort from the ground up. Instead, much of that investment sits on dirt.

Despite the dramatic renderings, the J Resort does not look like this. It’s the worn-out old Sands Regency with a new paint job and some new carpet.

The Original Opportunity

The Sands once held roughly 800 rooms, built in awkward stages from the Johnson Administration through the Reagan era.

Renovating it was always going to be costly: asbestos removal, dated wiring, structural oddities, low ceilings, and plumbing that barely met modern codes.

By 2017, the smarter play would have been clear to most developers: tear it down and build new.

Construction-cost studies show a modern 800+ room full-service casino resort could have been built for roughly $400–$550 million, including structured parking and amenities—about what Jacobs has already spent.

💥 What the J Resort Flood Reveals About the Sands Remodel

The Sands buildings are old and decrepit. The renovation was a disaster. They ran into all sorts of problems.

What Jacobs Did Instead

Rather than focus on one flagship project, Jacobs went on a buying spree:

• Purchased more than 100 parcels between West Street and Keystone Avenue.

• Demolished 17 motels and other structures, leaving tracts of bare ground.

• Installed sculptures and LED art pieces to brand the area as the “Neon Line District,” his own made-up marketing name.

• Announced phase after phase of investment, each emphasizing vision over execution, with nothing much getting built.

Today, those properties remain largely undeveloped, fenced off, and producing no tax revenue or tourism draw.

Meanwhile, the J Resort—the renamed Sands—remains fundamentally the same footprint, with cosmetic upgrades and a few art installations. It’s a facelift, not a transformation.

The Cost of Sprawl

Jacobs’ rebuild of Sands cost between $400 to $500 million. A new 800-room integrated resort could have been built by 2022 for the same amount. The Neon Line Strategy, which cost over $500 million, is full of empty lots amid rising public skepticism. Had Jacobs concentrated his capital, Reno would have a new resort rivaling the Grand Sierra and Peppermill—a modern, energy-efficient resort with conference space, rooftop venues, and retail frontage capable of pulling tourism.

Instead, the city has an expensive land bank, and a developer is publicly seeking public funding to complete what private promises began.

Jacobs Neon Line: Promises Unfulfilled in West Reno

Jacobs promised everything and then didn’t deliver.

Political and Community Fallout

City officials, especially Mayor Hillary Schieve, hailed Jacobs as Reno’s savior. But by 2025, residents were calling the cleared corridor “Jacobs Desert.” Affordable motels vanished, and nothing replaced them.

The optics are unmistakable: a billionaire developer holding the city’s west end hostage to “market timing” while taxpayers wait for results.

At the 10/22/2025 Reno City Council meeting, two agenda items reveal the status of the city’s deal with Jacobs Entertainment. The first is a required two-year progress report on the 20-year Neon Line District Development Agreement, which granted Jacobs up to $3.9 million in city credits for infrastructure and pedestrian improvements; so far, less than a quarter of that has been used, and key public features like streetlights, signage, and walkways remain unbuilt. The second is the annual Glow Plaza operations report, the only opportunity for the public to hear how Jacobs’ downtown entertainment venue is being managed under its conditional use permit. These items test whether City Hall intends to hold Jacobs accountable for tangible progress or continue a pattern of acceptance without results.

🚨 New Jacobs TIF Proposal: $21M Ask Tied to Affordable Housing, Festivals, and a Bigger J Resort

Jacobs needs tax incentives to proceed with “affordable housing.”

A Developer’s Calculus

From a business standpoint, Jacobs’s move is speculative. Owning contiguous land grants him control. Land values might rise through the removal of blight. By waiting, he can time construction for lower interest rates or negotiate tax-increment financing. But that’s speculation, not redevelopment. Reno didn’t need a speculator—it needed a builder.

The Road Not Taken

If Jacobs had demolished the Sands in 2017 and started fresh:

• Reno could have enjoyed a grand reopening by 2022.

• Hundreds of construction and hospitality jobs would exist.

• The project could have sparked organic redevelopment around it rather than clearing everything pre-emptively.

Instead, we have a “district” with no streetscape, a “resort” without renewal, and a “vision” without execution.

The tragedy isn’t just that Jacobs spent half a billion dollars.

It’s also that Reno has nothing to show for it.

The $35 Million Kickoff: Reno Pro Soccer’s Stadium Gamble

A proposed soccer Stadium Wrapped in Hype and Controversy. What is really going on? Here is what the news is not telling you.

Michael Leonard

Oct 21, 2025

You may have seen the news stories and the television coverage. There sure is a lot of it, but they don’t dig into what is happening behind the scenes. This isn’t the first time that Wendy Damonte and a group of investors have tried to get something going. Just look up the South Meadows soccer stadium controversy from a year ago.

Reno’s newest sports dream comes packaged in glossy renderings and sound bites: a USL Championship soccer team led by television personality Wendy Damonte and local developer Todd Davis.

The project, branded Reno Pro Soccer, promises to bring professional men’s soccer back to the Truckee Meadows. Its online shop already invites fans to “Reserve Your Spot for the 2027 Inaugural Season.”

Yet beneath the excitement lies a troubling reality.

According to city records, no permits have been filed, no environmental or traffic review has begun, and the state’s Real Estate Division has received a formal complaint alleging a violation of Nevada’s NRS 119B — a statute that prohibits collecting money for unapproved or unbuilt facilities.

Wendy Damonte pitches the project at a press event, admitting that it’s not all in place.

The Expensive Land Deal

The chosen site is the former Jones-West Ford dealership at 3600 Kietzke Lane, roughly 27 acres of mixed-use land just south of the Reno Sparks Convention Center.

County assessor data show that on September 8, 2025, the property sold for $16.5 million to NYTDAW-North LLC, one of two companies created by Davis in June 2025.

Together, the two parcels total roughly $35 million — purchased months before any city entitlement or financing plan existed.

A “Fait Accompli” Strategy

When Davis purchased the Kietzke parcels in September 2025, the deal price—$1.3 million per acre—suggested entitlement certainty. Developers typically buy after approvals, not before. By moving ahead with marketing, branding, and ticket deposits, Damonte’s team projects inevitability, daring city planners to say no. But without a CUP or financing clarity, the strategy borders on “approve-it-later” urban planning—a maneuver that risks both legal scrutiny and public backlash. This is the same strategy that Jacobs Entertainment used for their Festival Grounds.

The Missing Conditional Use Permit

City planning staff confirmed in writing on October 13, 2025, that no project application is under review and that “a stadium or sports arena requires a Conditional Use Permit (CUP).”

That public hearing process can take months and invites neighborhood comment, traffic analysis, and environmental review.

Until a CUP is approved, no outdoor stadium can legally break ground in Reno. Despite that, Reno Pro Soccer’s website markets the team as a done deal and collects deposits as if the stadium were already cleared.

Many elected officials, notably mayoral candidate Kathleen Taylor, showed up for the festivities, but they didn’t seem to be asking questions.

Selling Tickets to a Stadium That Doesn’t Exist

The project’s online shop advertises: “Each $27 deposit reserves one seat. Deposits are non-refundable and limited to 10 per account.”

Those words triggered a Statement of Fact (Form 514) filed with the Nevada Real Estate Division’s Compliance Office in Las Vegas, alleging that the sale of “non-refundable deposits” violates NRS 119B, the state’s Membership Campground and Pre-Sales statute.

Mariluz Garcia, Washoe County Commissioner District 3, Kathleen Taylor, Reno Ward 1 Councilmember, and Miguel Martinez, Reno Ward 3 Council Member.

What NRS 119B Says

Under NRS 119B.120–.140, it is unlawful to:

1. Offer to sell or receive money for the right to use or occupy a facility until the project is registered and approved by the Real Estate Division.

2. Misrepresent the availability or status of the property or facility being sold.

3. Collect non-refundable deposits from the public on unregistered projects.

The intent is simple: protect Nevadans from paying for something that does not yet legally exist.

In this case, Reno Pro Soccer is soliciting money for access to a stadium that has no permit, no construction plan, and no league-approved franchise. That places the deposits squarely within the zone of potential regulatory violation.

The State Steps In

The Form 514 complaint now sits with the Nevada Real Estate Division’s Compliance Office.

Investigators can:

• Demand documentation of how deposits are handled.

• Require proof of registration or escrow compliance; and

• Order the promoters to cease collecting money until approvals are in place.

If substantiated, the violation could trigger civil fines and mandatory refunds—and place Damonte’s high-profile project under a legal cloud before the first shovel of dirt is turned.

Why It Matters

The significance of this situation goes far beyond soccer. As of mid-October 2025, no Conditional Use Permit (CUP) has been filed with the City of Reno—a legal prerequisite for any outdoor stadium. Without that approval, the project has no official standing and could be halted at any time. Yet Damonte and her partners have already begun collecting $27 non-refundable deposits from the public for seats in a stadium that does not exist. This action appears to violate NRS 119B, Nevada’s law against taking money for unregistered or unapproved projects.

The Reno Pro Soccer project fits the familiar template: generate excitement, secure public sympathy, then seek taxpayer assistance once the momentum is politically irreversible.

A Possible Request for Tax Rebates

While Damonte told KRNV that the stadium is “100 percent privately funded,” she also acknowledged plans to seek public-private partnerships through Tax-Increment Financing (TIF)—a subsidy tool available under Redevelopment Area #2, where the property sits. That means taxpayers could ultimately help finance the very project now being marketed as “privately funded.” Behind the scenes, developer Todd Davis quietly bought the two Kietzke parcels for roughly $35 million through his NYTDAW North and South LLCs, months before the entitlement process began—an aggressive move suggesting that approval is assumed rather than earned.

The Public Reaction

Public reaction to Wendy Damonte’s proposed Reno Pro Soccer stadium has been overwhelmingly skeptical, with residents expressing frustration over potential public financing, zoning abuses, and misplaced priorities. “No public financing—it is just wrong. If you can’t pay for it, don’t build it,” said mayoral candidate Eddie Lorton, echoing widespread anger toward tax-increment financing. Others questioned the city’s direction entirely, with Steven Burlingham Sr. lamenting that “Reno is becoming slums,” and Matt Adamo calling the idea of taxpayer-funded sports ventures “insane... Why should I or my neighbors pay for someone’s business asset?” Critics like Kurt Neathammer and Birgitta Koehler accused Damonte of arrogance and self-interest—“She’s making money off the project… She couldn't care less about this community,” wrote Koehler—while Scott McGuire called the deal “a huge grift game… make us pay for it while they get rich.”

Conclusion

Reno Pro Soccer’s story isn’t about kicking goals; it’s about testing the boundaries between marketing and law. A $35 million land gamble, an absent permit, and a state-level complaint now threaten to derail the carefully staged rollout.

For Reno residents, the question is familiar: Are we watching the birth of a new sports legacy—or another case where public relations masks private overreach?